Unravelling the Complexities of Conflict Between DR Congo and Rwanda

To the international community, it has gained notoriety as Africa's First World War, characterized by foreign armies, invasions, and persistent violence resulting in seemingly futile deaths. The epicentre of this conflict is the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). For some, it is a battle for the very survival of nations, while for others, it represents the pursuit of immense wealth. Despite its prevalence, the true origins of this conflict and the factors that sustain it remain elusive.

Following its independence from Belgium in 1960, the Democratic Republic of Congo initially embraced hope and rejuvenation. However, this optimism was short-lived as decades under the deteriorating rule of Mobutu Sese Seko plunged the nation into decline. Mobutu, adorned in leopard skins and espousing African nationalism, enriched himself while the country crumbled, with cities like Kisangani experiencing a breakdown of conventional administration and the emergence of makeshift traditional courts.

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Zaire (as Mobutu renamed the country) disintegrated into disconnected city-states, with neglected infrastructure, collapsed communication systems, and defunct postal services. Major cities like Goma and Lubumbashi became economic extensions of neighbouring countries, while hospitals across Zaire lacked essential resources, rendering them places of inevitable demise.

As memories of Mobutu's rule in the early 1970s faded, so did the delusions of progress. By the 1990s, disillusionment prevailed, and many hoped for the end of Mobutu's dictatorship, believing that whatever followed could not be worse.

However, the arrival of Rwandans and a decade of war altered the course of central Africa. The aftermath of the Rwandan genocide in 1994, with the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana, led to a Hutu extremist regime committing mass atrocities against Tutsis. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Paul Kagame, intervened, driving the extremists from power and prompting over a million Hutu refugees to flee to Zaire.

The refugee crisis in Zaire facilitated the infiltration of political leaders, defeated soldiers, and Hutu militiamen from Rwanda. The United Nations, through the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), recognized Hutu extremists as leaders in refugee camps, inadvertently supporting their control over resources and enabling the continuation of the conflict against the Rwandan government.

In 1996, Rwanda, unwilling to tolerate the threat of genocide along its border, invaded Zaire. The Tutsi-dominated army surrounded and repatriated hundreds of thousands of refugees, while those remaining in Zaire, including former soldiers and militiamen, faced relentless persecution.

The conflict escalated further as Rwanda invaded again in 1998, aiming to establish a buffer zone in Congo and install a friendly regime. This ignited a prolonged war involving various neighbouring countries and evolved into a struggle for control over eastern Congo's valuable resources, such as diamonds, gold, and coltan.

Despite a shaky peace agreement in 2002 that led to the withdrawal of foreign armies, the eastern region of the DRC remained plagued by local rebel groups tied to the Rwandan government. The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), composed of Hutu extremists, continued to be a significant threat to stability.

The ongoing conflict has resulted in immense suffering for the Congolese population, marked by millions of deaths, disease, hunger, and widespread sexual violence. The region remains volatile, with Rwanda viewing itself as besieged, fighting for the survival of the Tutsi people, while from the perspective of Congo, Rwanda is seen as a belligerent power exploiting its wealth. The complexities of this conflict persist despite numerous peace deals, making it a longstanding and intricate challenge for the entire region.

The eastern provinces of the DRC are resource-rich but plagued by violence. Clashes over territory, natural resources, and political power have fueled the conflict. Militant groups vie for control, leading to extrajudicial killings and displacement of civilians.

Recent Escalation (2022–present):

In 2022, tensions escalated significantly between the DRC and Rwanda. Alleged attacks by both Congolese and Rwandan forces on each other’s territory have occurred. Rwandan forces have been caught crossing into the DRC, often fighting alongside Congolese rebels.

The M23 rebellion has intensified fighting in North Kivu, near the border with Rwanda. Both countries blame each other for the deteriorating security situation in the region. Rwanda’s alleged support for militia groups within the DRC remains a contentious issue.

The conflict has resulted in a record high of 6.9 million internally displaced people in the DRC. Civilians bear the brunt of violence, facing displacement, insecurity, and loss of life.

Since the resurgence of the M23 rebel group, backed by Rwanda, in March 2022, North Kivu province has experienced severe violence and displacement. The rebels, who had briefly captured the capital, Goma, in 2012, are one of over 120 armed groups believed to operate in the mineral-rich eastern provinces of the DRC—North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri. The region, known for its cobalt, coltan, gold, and diamond resources, has been a historical hotspot for violence and warfare, often involving direct invasions and proxy conflicts with Rwanda and Uganda.

Despite the announcement of a ceasefire under the Luanda peace process led by Angola, the M23 continued its offensive, gaining control over significant areas in North Kivu's Rutshuru, Masisi, and Nyiragongo territories. In November 2022, the East African Community (EAC) deployed a regional force (EACRF) to the eastern provinces, consisting of troops from Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, and Burundi.

After a year-long deployment marked by local protests criticizing the forces' inability to ensure security, the EACRF's mandate expired on December 8, leading to their withdrawal. Simultaneously, the United Nations is initiating the removal of its peacekeeping forces from the DRC, starting with a withdrawal from South Kivu by the end of April, concluding a two-decade deployment.

In the interim, the EACRF has been succeeded by another regional force, featuring the deployment of hundreds of troops from members of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). While the EAC-led mission sparked conflicts between the bloc and the Congolese government regarding the forces' direct engagement against the M23, the SADC forces (SAMIDRC) operate under an "offensive" mandate, announcing joint operations with the FARDC in January.

It is astonishing to comprehend how both the UK and the US not only remain passive while their ally Rwanda engages in a historically unprecedented destructive rampage but actively contribute by providing the Kagame regime with the necessary training, arms, and funds. One may wonder if the response would be different if the victims were of a different ethnicity. In contrast, in Ukraine, the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors swiftly identified individuals responsible for killings in the name of international human rights and humanitarian laws, even implicating the President of the Russian Federation.

Despite a wealth of evidence spanning two decades against the Rwandan government, including findings from the UN, Human Rights Watch (HRW), and Amnesty investigators, the ICC, investigating war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since 2002, appears unwilling to indict anyone from Kagame's regime or his militias. This reluctance denies the Congolese people their rightful access to international justice and protection.

In May, HRW investigators uncovered 14 mass graves in Kishishe, where the M23 allegedly massacred 171 people and subjected at least 66 women and girls to rape in November 2022. The M23's subsequent invasion of Kishishe in November ended six months of relative calm, leading to the current escalation.

Predictably, the significant displacement of people has triggered a food crisis and a cholera outbreak, with over 41,000 cases and 300 deaths reported by the World Health Organization. The latest UN projections estimate that almost 26 million Congolese people face starvation in 2023 due to violence.

Without the support of Kagame and his regime, including weapons and troops, the M23 would not have been able to inflict the level of harm, including killings, rapes, torture, and displacement, upon the Congolese people. Kagame's ability to aid violence in the DRC since 1998 has been sustained by the provision of guns, funds, and impunity from the US and the UK. British and North American taxpayers find themselves inadvertently funding violence in the DRC, prompting one to question the motives of policymakers who enable such suffering.